首页
登录
职称英语
Give the Senate some credit: in shaping the current immigration-reform bill,
Give the Senate some credit: in shaping the current immigration-reform bill,
游客
2023-12-06
58
管理
问题
Give the Senate some credit: in shaping the current immigration-reform bill, it has come up with one idea that almost everybody hates. That’s the plan to create a new class of "guest workers"— immigrants who would be allowed to work in the U.S. for three two-year stretches, at most, provided that they return home for a year after each visit. Conservatives dislike the plan because they believe that the guest workers won’t return home after their visas expire. Liberals dislike it because they believe the program will depress American wages and trap guest workers in a state of serfdom. The only vocal supporters of the provision are businesses that rely heavily on immigrant labor, and they’re presumably just looking out for themselves.
History appears to give credence to the plan’s opponents. Think about Germany’s Gastarbeiter problem. Beginning in the early nineteen-sixties, Germany admitted immigrants from Turkey on short-term work visas. Many of these workers, instead of returning home, put down permanent roots, despite having no obvious way of becoming citizens. They were neither deported nor assimilated, and today they’re a sizable minority in many cities and, in some sense, a society unto themselves.
In the U. S. , the guest-worker experience has often been one of abuse and mistreatment, most notably during the infamous bracero program. It was started during the Second World War as a way of bringing in a small number of experienced farmworkers to harvest crops in California. But farm owners quickly came to rely on imported labor, and in time more than four hundred thousand braceros a year were crossing the border, only to end up being used as strikebreakers, forced to live in grim migrant camps, and paid less than they’d been promised.
Given this record, and the broader concerns about the effects of illegal immigration, the hostility to the new plan is understandable. It’s also misguided. However imperfect, the guest-worker program is better than any politically viable alternative. Opponents of immigration sometimes imply that adding workers to a workforce automatically brings wages down. But immigrants tend to work in different industries than native workers, and have different skills, and so they often end up complementing native workers, rather than competing with them. That can make native workers more productive and therefore better off. According to a recent study, between 1990 and 2004 immigration actually boosted the wages of most American workers. And if by increasing the number of legal guest workers we reduced the number of undocumented workers, the economy would benefit even more.
Guest workers are also, paradoxically, less likely than illegal immigrants to become permanent residents. Mexican workers, contrary to popular belief, do not, generally, intend to live their entire lives in the U.S. Instead, as the sociologists Douglas Massey and Jorge Durand concluded after a comprehensive study of immigrant attitudes and behavior, most want to work "for short periods to generate an alternative source of household income or to buy a house in Mexico.
The new guest-worker plan is not a reprise of the bracero program. Guest workers would no longer be tied to a single employer within certain limits, they’d be able to change jobs if they wanted and would be guaranteed all the protections that the law extends to native workers, including the freedom to join a union. These protections would not necessarily insure fair treatment, especially given the Bush Administration’s poor record of enforcing labor laws. But guest workers would have more by James Surowiecki rights than illegal workers, and be better treated. They’d also be paid better -better than they would as illegals, and far better than if they had to stay at home.
In fact, whatever benefits the guest-worker program brought to the U. S. economy or to particular businesses, the biggest winners would be the workers themselves. When a good made by a foreign worker enters this country, the worker gets only a tiny slice of what we pay. But when the worker himself comes into this country his earnings can rise by a factor of ten or more. But the program’s costs to American workers are negligible, the gains for the guest workers are enormous, and the U.S. economy will benefit. This is that rare option which is both sensible and politically possible. Congress should take it. [br] According to the passage, Guest Workers
选项
A、are immigrants working in the U.S. for short time.
B、are opposed by both Parties and all classes.
C、are believed to leave when their visas expire.
D、Policy is launched before and proved feasible in history.
答案
A
解析
细节题。由题干定位至首段第二句。该句清楚地解释了这个计划的内容,即容许外国人来美国进行最多三次、每次最多两年的短期务工,条件是每个两年期之间要回国居住一年,因此[A]正确。
转载请注明原文地址:https://www.tihaiku.com/zcyy/3248615.html
相关试题推荐
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
ComputerCrimeⅠ.IntroductionCurrentsituation:thein
Ourtheoriesabouthumandiseasearetheproductofcurrentfashion【M1
Ourtheoriesabouthumandiseasearetheproductofcurrentfashion【M1
Ourtheoriesabouthumandiseasearetheproductofcurrentfashion【M1
Ourtheoriesabouthumandiseasearetheproductofcurrentfashion【M1
随机试题
Whatisthewomanworkingon?[originaltext](Man)Here’sthecompanypresident’s
假设股票A价格下跌那么该股票的看跌期权的价格将()。A.上升,上升 B.下降,
A.775 B.1341 C.2323 D.4023
以下用于乳牙龋病药物治疗的药物不正确的是:A.2%氟化钠溶液 B.8%氟化亚锡
下列关于教育金信托说法正确的有()。A.信托一般为委托人根据理财规划的目标
商业银行二级资本的受偿顺序列在普通股之前、在一般债权人之后。()
参与月经调节的内分泌腺体不包括A、卵巢 B、肾上腺 C、腺垂体 D、神经垂
阅读以下教学反思片段,按照要求答题。 重视学生的情感态度与价值观,没有情感的教
各种运输方式内外部的各个方面的构成和联系,就是( )。 A.运输系统
甲公司为上市公司,适用的企业所得税税率为25%,2022年度甲公司有关资料如下:
最新回复
(
0
)